NED is funded by Congress and supports “activists and scholars” with 1000 grants in over 90 countries. NED describes its program thus:[72]

From time to time Congress has provided special appropriations to the Endowment to carry out specific democratic initiatives in countries of special interest, including Poland (through the trade union Solidarity), Chile, Nicaragua, Eastern Europe (to aid in the democratic transition following the demise of the Soviet bloc), South Africa, Burma, China, Tibet, North Korea and the Balkans. With the latter, NED supported a number of civic groups, including those that played a key role in Serbia’s electoral breakthrough in the fall of 2000. More recently, following 9/11 and the NED Board’s adoption of its third strategic document, special funding has been provided for countries with substantial Muslim populations in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia.[73]

Working in tandem with NED is the similar international network of George Soros, the currency speculator, operating through the Open Society Institute and Soros Foundations. Again, the concentration is on the former Soviet bloc, and the effort is primarily directed toward preventing the resurgence of nationalistic or Orthodox religious ideas[74] that might intrude upon the development of the open market economy. In 2003, the year Soros targeted Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze for removal, the Canadian Globe and Mail carried a succinct article on the Soros network, stating that in response to Georgian complaints about Soros network activities in that state, Soros had replied: “This is what we did in Slovakia at the time of [Vladimir] Meciar, in Croatia at the time of [Franjo] Tudjman and in Yugoslavia at the time of Milosevic.”[75]

The Soros-backed “color revolutions” follow a readily identifiable pattern of supposedly “spontaneous” demonstrators against what is claimed to be a tyrannical regime. The demonstrations generally begin as youthful, and student based and spread to large sections of the middle class. Again turning to the statements of an international think tank, a report of the Club of Rome considers the “youthful rebelliousness” of the present “color revolutions” to be a positive sign in a dialectical sense, in terms reminiscent of Brzezinski’s references to the New Left of his time. A major Club of Rome report co-authored by co-founder Alexander King, states:

The picture is rather grim but we can point to some positive signs that are emerging. Young people are good at starting revolutions, no matter how soon they are reintegrated into the mainstream.[76]

…The myriad of strands of change constituting the world revolution have to be understood, related, opposed, encouraged, diverted to other channels or assimilated.'[77]

Here King and Schneider are expressing what would seem to be a dialectical approach to revolution, stating that youthful rebellion can be co-opted and manipulated into what they call a “world revolution”, and indeed what George Bush in a speech to NED called a “global democratic revolution”[78] that long ago took the place of the international proletarian revolution of Trotsky’s dream.

[1] H G Wells, Russia in the Shadows, Chapter VII, ‘The Envoy’, 1920.

[2] Karl Marx, Communist Manifesto (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), ‘Bourgeois and Proletarians,’ pp. 40-60.

[3] Ibid., p. 71.

[4] Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels, “Speech on the question of free trade delivered to the Democratic Association of Brussels at it public meeting of January 9, 1848”, Collected Works, Volume 6 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1976).

[5] Armand Hammer (son of a veteran communist who combined revolution with an opulent lifestyle) remained on friendly terms with every Soviet leader – except Stalin – and remarked at the time of the implementation of the NEP in 1921 ‘It seemed as if it meant nothing other than the abandonment of communism and the restoration of capitalist methods. As Lenin stated at the time and as events were later to prove, NEP was not the acknowledgment of complete failure which the enemies and critics of the Soviet called it. It provided for State Socialism rather than Communism…’ Armand Hammer, Hammer: Witness to History (London: Coronet Books, 1988), pp. 136-137. Hammer relates that Lenin told him: ‘The New Economic Policy demands a fresh development of our economic possibilities. We hope to accelerate the process by a system of industrial and commercial concessions to foreigners. It will give great opportunities to the United State.’ (Ibid., p. 143).

[6] The World Bank: ‘Vietnam: Country Brief,’,contentMDK:20212080~menuPK:387573~pagePK:1497618~piPK:217854~theSitePK:387565,00.html (accessed 28 February 2010). The World Bank report states that Vietnam is pursuing a ‘path of transition towards a market economy with socialist orientation… Vietnam has become increasingly integrated with the world economy and has become a member of the World Trade Organization.’

[7] Nelson Rockefeller, Playboy, October 1975, cited by: Gary Allen, The Rockefeller File (Seal Beach, California: ’76 Press, 1975), p. 137.

[8] For example: ‘The bourgeoisie immediately took fascism into paid service in their fight to defeat and enslave the proletariat.’ Resolution of the Third Enlarged Executive of the Communist International Plenum on Fascism, 23 June 1923.

[9] David Rockefeller is listed as the ‘Founder and Honorary North American Chairman (1977-1991) of the Trilateral Commission,’ The Trilateral Commission, (accessed 5 February 2010). In the Question & Answer section the Commission states of Rockefeller and Brzezinski: ‘David Rockefeller was the principal founder of the Commission. He has served on the Executive Committee from the beginning in mid-1973 and was North American Chairman from mid-1977 through November 1991. Zbigniew Brzezinski played an important role in the formation of the Commission. He was its first Director (1973-76) and its major intellectual dynamo in those years. Dr. Brzezinski rejoined the Commission in 1981 and served on the Executive Committee for many years…’ (accessed 5 February 2010).

[10] CFR Membership Roster 2009, p. 3.

Peter Grosse, in his ‘semi-official’ history calls the CFR ‘the East Coast foreign policy establishment’. Gross, ‘X Leads the Way’, Continuing The Inquiry: The Council on Foreign Relations from 1921 to 1996, (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2006). (accessed 27 February 2010).

[11] Zbigniew Brzezinski, Between Two Ages: America’s Role in the Technetronic Era (New York: The Viking Press, 1970), p. 29.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Brzezinski, op.cit., pp. 33-34.