Brzezinski was himself recruited as part of the CIA’s strategy to co-opt the Left against the USSR and was a major figure in the CIA-sponsored US delegation to the 1962 Helsinki Youth Festival, under the leadership of another long-serving Marxist CISA operative Gloria Steinem. The CIA counter-Soviet offensive among the Left began in 1949 when the Agency sponsored American Trotskyist Dr. Sidney Hook, and his Americans for Intellectual Freedom was transformed into the Congress for Cultural Freedom. The CIA quotes Hook as stating:
Give me a hundred million dollars and a thousand dedicated people, and I will guarantee to generate such a wave of democratic unrest among the masses—yes, even among the soldiers—of Stalin’s own empire, that all his problems for a long period of time to come will be internal. I can find the people.
The dialectical purpose for the financial patronage of the domestic New Left by American Big Business Big Business seems to have been to make certain agendas and policies that the American public would perceive as unacceptably “Left-wing” appear to be moderate and mainstream by setting up the “extremists” by way of comparison. Several of the New Left leaders were aware of the manner by which the “Establishment” was attempting manipulate them. One of those involved with founding the Students for the Democratic Society (SDS), James Kunen, states in his memoir The Strawberry Statement that Big Business sought to channel funds to the SDS as part of a dialectical process:
In the evening I went up to the University to check out a strategy meeting. A kid was giving a report on the SDS convention. He said that at the convention men from Business International Roundtables, the meetings sponsored by Business International for their client groups and heads of government—tried to buy up a few radicals [sic]. These men are the world’s leading industrialists and they convene to decide how our lives are going to go. These are the boys who wrote the Alliance for Progress. They’re the left wing of the ruling class.
They agree with us on black control and student control….
They want [Eugene] McCarthy in. They see fascism as the threat, see it coming from [George] Wallace. The only way McCarthy could win is if the crazies and young radicals act up and make Gene look more reasonable. They offered to finance our demonstrations in Chicago.
We were also offered Esso (Rockefeller) money. They want us to make a lot of radical commotion so they can look more in the center as they move to the left. 
This Big Business involvement with the New Left is confirmed independently by another participant. Gerald Kirk, when a student at the University of Chicago, became active in the SDS, the DuBois Club, the Black Panthers, and the Communist Party, as an informant for the FBI. Kirk broke from the Left in 1969. The following year, he testified before the House and Senate Internal Security panels:
Young people … have no idea that they are playing into the hands of the Establishment they claim to hate. The radicals think they’re fighting the forces of the super rich, like Rockefeller and Ford, and they don’t realize that it is precisely such forces which are behind their own revolution, financing it, and using it for their own purposes…. 
How this process operated can be seen in 1968 when the SDS Columbia chapter instigated a student revolt and take-over of the University. Revolutionary leadership was soon taken out of the hands of the SDS and was taken over by the Students for a Restructured University (SRU) that had been funded with a $40,000 grant from the Ford Foundation. It is of interest to note that during the time the Ford Foundation was funding the SRU amidst the Columbia University riots, McGeorge Bundy was the president of the Foundation. In 1949 Bundy became a research fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, and scholar-in-residence at the Carnegie Corporation, 1990–1996. It cannot therefore be claimed that a liberal run Foundation was simply conveying funds to a liberal cause. The Ford Foundation, as with other such Foundations, is generally under the control of individuals associated with Big Business. Ford states of this period:
At Columbia University, which was severely disrupted by student demonstrations in the spring, grants were made to three groups studying and redefining the roles of faculty, students, administrators, and trustees. They included a faculty committee and a student organization that was active in the demonstrations but is dedicated to restructuring, not overturning, the university.
It is interesting that the Foundation report cryptically mentions “a student organization” active in the New Left demonstrations with the SDS, Black Panthers and others, referring here to the Students for a Restructured University, without naming the SRU as the recipient.
The New Left had to a significant extend been spawned by the National Students Association which had long been receiving subsidies from the CIA as part of its counter-Left agenda against the USSR, which financed this and students groups in Europe. One commentator remarked of this period:
In subsequent findings from other newspapers such as the New York Times it turned out that the CIA had backed many non-communist youth and student movements, such as the International Union of Socialist Youth and various labour unions…. The NY Times calculated that the CIA had backed the ISC with as much as USD 400,000 every year.
The revelation struck the ISC as a bomb. Only an inner circle within the NSA and the ISC were aware that the funding they got came from the CIA. When the magazine hit the streets, it became world news and the response was of course fury from the member NUSes. One by one, the NUSes left the ISC, and the money from the CIA -backed foundations stopped….
Both the New Left and the support for communism as an extreme modernization process in nations with anachronistic economies and values were of course not the final phase in the dialectical process. Brzezinski’s comments that the New Left would pass away while its legacy would likely have contributed to such a dialectic, has been noted. Likewise, communism itself became an anachronism, and had served its purpose in the modernization process. The dialectical process would enter a stage of subverting the Soviet bloc in order to introduce the next stage, that of the market economy, globalization and privatization. Here again certain financial interests have been the backers of such “regime change” under the guise of the “open society”, the “color revolutions” and “democracy.”
The basis for subverting the former Soviet states had already been established during the Cold War, with Trotskyists playing leading parts. This network primarily centers on the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), established in 1983 at the prompting of Tom Kahn, by an Act of Congress. Kahn who as the AFL-CIO’s director of international relations had been active in supporting anti-Soviet socialists such as Solidarity in Poland. He and others believed that what has being called the “global democratic revolution” needed support from a source other than the CIA. Kahn was a follower of Max Shachtman, as is the founding president of NED, Carl Gershman, a luminary of the Social Democrats USA. The influence of Shachtman is significant as he was one of the primary leaders of American Trotskyism, who broke with the Fourth International and indeed with Trotsky himself, over the “official” Trotskyist position of conditional support for the USSR on the basis that it retained a nationalized economy. Shachtman and his supporters, which included Trotsky’s widow Sedova, on the contrary believe that the USSR represented a bureaucratic dictatorship and had become the primary obstacle to world socialism. This anti-Soviet premise developed into a hawkish position in support of US foreign policy, and many of today’s so-called “neo-cons” such as Wolfowitz, et al got their political start as young Trotskyists.