III. CONCLUSIONS

We have sought in this paper to understand the American extension of military aid to Pakistan in 1954 in the context of that era. Fortunately, the ideological record at that time was well-preserved, thus affording us the opportunity to contextualize those conditions. The American preoccupation with containing Communism coupled with an understanding of world politics that was limited to Realist explanations and balance of power struggles. Indian nonalignment coupled with a tradition of socialistic and capitalistic ways of life in agricultural lifestyles. Meanwhile, Pakistani concern for territorial integrity allowed it to accept Realism in dealing with the world outside of South Asia, with the hope that it could introduce Realism into the Subcontinent in order to relax its regional concern for strategic appropriateness.

In the final analysis, Pakistan’s success in importing Realism (and military weapons) into the Subcontinent was facilitated by the ideological debate that both made India’s nonalignment appear to be an intransigent policy and cast doubt on India as an ally in the crusade against Communism. The struggle in Kashmir has been and remains a reminder of the interplay of the conflicting stances of parties to this debate. Moreover, given the historical conditions that continue to guide these stances, the fact of the present struggle over Kashmir is inevitable. Future attempts to craft a solution to this struggle should bear this in mind, especially as the world remains hopeful that elections will legitimately evince the Kashmiri people’s own will. Rather than proposing solutions that are subtly inimical to one party or another’s interests, feasible plans should require either negotiations among all relevant parties or a concerted tilting of the scales to end the current stalemate in one party’s favor. Talks among leaders have produced no substantial agreeable answers, and elections within Kashmir are frequently criticized as corrupt and tainted. The Independence of Bangladesh appeared to affirm India’s position in the stalemate, as it gained Bangladesh as a new ally. Yet, there is still no end to the problem. Why?

If a person is told something repeatedly, since childhood, he believes it. Despite the potential for dissent on a particular issue, a country’s leaders too can be convinced to guide their nation’s policies in a manner consistent with ideas which that nation and its people have grown to believe. Perhaps this is the reason that both India and Pakistan have been relentless with regard to Kashmir.

Yet hope should not be lost for enlightenment. Just as American leaders once realized that slavery was wrong and implemented these beliefs, so too incisive thinking can pierce through such temporal claims as that Pakistan is a haven for all Muslims of South Asia (including those of Kashmir) or that India is a nonaligned, secular nation that is truly open to all faiths. More important than these political stances is the havoc wreaked on the peaceful people of Kashmir, havoc that has forced mass exodus of Hindus fearful of Pakistani occupation forces, havoc that has devastated the Kashmiri landscape and has debilitated the tourism industry that is a pillar of the Kashmiri economy.

As far as continued terrorism on the part of Pakistan in Kashmir is concerned, this in no way fuels the idea that Pakistan is the legitimate guardian of Kashmiri interests. Rather, it only helps India’s case, which is further advanced by elections in Kashmir that brought the National Conference Party and Sheikh Abdullah’s son, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, to power to lead Kashmir to peace and stability. On the other hand, elections might not do any good if all parties do not agree that they are untainted and legitimate.

It is only when both India and Pakistan simultaneously demonstrate that they care enough about Kashmir to respect the rights of its inhabitants that solutions to these problems will follow naturally. Until then, Kashmir will continue to be a product of Indo-Pakistani mistrust and rivalry. Because both India and Pakistan have been guilty of human rights violations, both have a long way to go before they can prove to the world that they truly deserve the respect of the Kashmiris. Perhaps the way forward is for both India and Pakistan to finally put to rest competing claims and allow a United Nations mission to monitor elections in Kashmir so that there is no question as to the people’s will, even if this means that neither nation prevails. Indeed, the outcome could even determine that Kashmir is ready to become an independent nation. Of course, this would require each side to withdraw most of its troops, an unlikely scenario.

APPENDIX: Armies of India and Pakistan (as indicated in Mutual Security Program of 1954)

  India Pakistan
Total strength: 425,000 185,000
Major units: 6 infantry 8 infantry
  1 armed division 2 armed brigades
  1 armed brigade 1 infantry brigade
  9 infantry brigades 6 artillery regiments
  1 infantry brigade group  
  1 parachute brigade group1 armed cavalry regiment  
  3 artillery regiments  
  2 cavalry regiments  
  22 infantry battalions  

Notes

[1] Wikipedia.org, definition of “Realism (international relations).”

[2] Joshi, Manoj “South Asia and American Strategic Policy” in Crunden, Robert M, Joshi, Manoj, and Rao, R.V.R. Chandrasekhar, ed., 30-1, New Perspectives on America and South Asia, Chanakya Publications, Delhi 1984.

[3] Heimsath, Charles H. and Mansingh, Surjit A Diplomatic History of Modern India, 160.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Rao, R.V.R. Chandrasekhara “The US and the Indian Subcontinent: Can there be a Regional Detente?” in New Perspectives on America and South Asia, ed. by Crunden, Robert M., Joshi, Manoj, and Rao, R.V.R. Chandrasekhar, 112.

[6] Ibid. #3, 351.

[7] Ibid. #5.

[8] Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, 22.

[9] Jawaharlal Nehru, quoted by S.M. Burke, Mainsprings of Indian and Pakistani Foreign Policies (University of Minnesota Press, 1974), 143 in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and US, 23.

[10] Ibid. #3, 344.

[11] Ibid. #3,160.

[12] Walt, Stephen M. Alliance Formation and the Balance of World Power, 5, in International Security, Spring 1983 (Vol. 9, No.4).

[13] Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 89, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, NY 1963.

[14] Vertzberger, Yaacov Y. I. China’s Southwestern Strategy, 25. Praeger Publishers, New York, NY, 1985.

[15] Lyon, Peter in The Foreign Policies of the Powers, 345; “Sources of Indian Foreign Policy.”

[16] Ibid.

[17] See pp, 43-44, below, “Instrument of Accession of Jammu and Kashmir,” October 26, 1947 in White Paper on Jammu and Kashmir, 17-19, compiled in Documents on the Foreign Relations of Pakistan: The Kashmir Question, 58, edited by K. Sarwar Hasan.

[18] McMahon, Robert J. The Cold War on the Periphery, 61, Columbia University Press, New York, NY, 1994.

[19] Ganguly, Sumit The Origin of Wars in South Asia, 9-10.

[20] Heimsath, Charles. A Diplomatic History of Modern India, 59 Allied Publishers, New Delhi, India, 1971.

[21] The Extent of Communist Penetration in India, Department of State Office of Intelligence Research Report No. 5373, March 8, 1951.

[22] Ibid.

[23] Gaddis, John Lewis in Kegley, Charles W., Jr. and Wittkopf, Eugene R. “Containment: Its Past and Future” in Perspectives on American Foreign Policy, 17.

[24] Morgenthau, Hans J. in Kegley, Charles W., Jr. and Wittkopf, Eugene R. “Defining the National Interest-Again: Old Superstitions, New Realities” in Perspectives on American Foreign Policy, 36.

[25] Ibid., 38.

[26] Keohane, Robert O. and Nye, Joseph S. “Realism and Complex Interdependence” in Kegley, Charles W. Jr. and Wittkopf, Eugene R. Perspectives on American Foreign Policy, 119.

[27] Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace Alfred A. Knopf, New York, NY 1963.

[28] Ibid. #26, 121.

[29] Waltz, Kenneth N. “Anarchic Orders and Balances of Power” in Neorealism and it Critics, 98, Columbia University Press, 1986.

[30] Bandyopahyaya, J. The Making of India’s Foreign Policy, 73, Allied Publishers, New Delhi, India, 1970.

[31] Mukhia, Harbans “Marx on Pre-Colonial India: An Evaluation” in Marxian Theory and the Third World, 179, ed. by Diptendra Banerjee,

[32] Ibid., 182.

[33] Marx, Karl Capital, vol.1, 357 in “Marx on Pre-Colonial India: An Evaluation,” Marxian Theory and the Third World, 183, ed. by Diptendra Banerjee and Harbans Mukhia.

[34] Racioppi, Linda, 6, Soviet Policy Towards South Asia Since 1970, Cambridge University Press, New York, NY, 1994.

[35] Nehru, Jawaharlal Away From Acquisitive Society: Speech to All-India Congress Committee, Indore, January 4, 1957 in Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches, Vol. III, 1953-1957, 52, Copyright by Publications Division, New Delhi, India, May 1983.

[36] Evidences of External Direction of the Indian Communist Party, Office of Intelligence and Research Report No. 5548, August 13, 1951.

[37] President George Washington in Washington’s Farewell Address to the People of the United States of America, 9-10, Sept. 7, 1796, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, by A. Boyd Hamilton, State Printer, 1856.

[38] Khan, Mohammad Ayub “The Pakistan-American Alliance” in Pakistan Perspective: A collection of Important Articles and Excerpts From Major Addresses by Mohammad Ayub Khan, President of Pakistan. 

[39] Peattie, Roderick, Look to the Frontiers, New York, Harper in Siddiqi, Aslam Pakistan Seeks Security, 16-17, Longmans, Green & Co. Ltd., 1960, Lahore, Pakistan.

[40] The Statesman (Delhi), June 14, 1947 All-India Congress Committee’s June 3 Plan in Siddiqi, Aslam Pakistan Seeks Security, 17, Longmans, Green, & Co. Ltd. 1960 Lahore, Pakistan.

[41] Nehru Speaking in the Indian Parliament, March 14, 1959 in Khan, Mohammad Ayub Pakistan Perspective, 18.

[42] Khan, Mohammad Ayub “The Pakistan-American Alliance” in Pakistan Perspective: A collection of Important Articles and Excerpts From Majors Addresses by Mohammad Ayub Khan, President of Pakistan. 

[43] Waltz, Kenneth N. “Anarchic Orders and Balances of Power” in Neorealism and its Critics, 100, Columbia University Press, 1986.

[44] Manifesto issued on the eve of the Presidential election in Pakistan, January 1965 in Pakistan Perspective, ix.

[45] Mahmood, Safdar, A Political Study of Pakistan, 150.

[46] Callard, Keith, Pakistan, A Political Study, London, 1968, G. Allen and Unwin, 125, in Mahmood, Safdar, A Political Study of Pakistan, 150.

[47] Waltz, Kenneth N. “Anarchic Orders and Balances of Power” in Neorealism and its Critics, 98, Columbia University Press, 1986.

[48] Ibid., 100.

[49] Signed on April 2, 1954. Siddiqi, Aslam Pakistan Seeks Security, 103, Longmans, Green & Co. Ltd. 1960 Lahore, Pakistan.

[50] Ibid.

[51] Footnote in “Memorandum of conversation between Assistant Secretary of State McGhee and M. Ikramullah, former Foreign Secretary of Pakistan, 18 October 1951 (Extract)” in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, v.2, 68.

[52] Ibid. (of document), 69.

[53] “Memorandum of conversation between M. Ikramullah, and Donald M. Kennedy, Director, and T. Eliot Weil, Deputy Director of the Office of South Asian Affairs (SOA), 18 October 1951 (Extract)” in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, v.2, 69.

[54]  Statement by Prime Minister Mohammad Ali, February 25, 1954 (Extract), in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, 91-2.

[55] Ibid., 92.

[56] Prime Minister Mohammad Ali in Dawn, March 27, 1954, 1, attached to Foreign Service Despatch 617 from Karachi to US Department of State.

[57] Ibid. #3.

[58] Haendel, Dan The Process of Priority Formulations: US Foreign Policy in the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 (Colorado,1977), 29 in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India and US, 37.

[59] Mohammad Ali’s speech delivered in the Constituent Assembly on October 7, 1953, as it appeared in the Pakistani newspaper Dawn, “Full Text of PM’s Speech.”

[60] Ibid., 11.

[61] Ibid.

[62] Ibid.

[63] Ibid., 32-33. Mohammad Ali’s Town Hall speech of May 8, 1950.

[64] Ibid., 33.

[65] Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and US, 22.

[66] Letter of Chester Bowles, US Ambassador to India, to Secretary of State Dulles and his comments on the origin of US military aid programme to Pakistan, December 23, 1953 (Extracts) in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, 84.

[67] Ibid.

[68] Ibid., 85-6.

[69] Congressional Record (US), v. 100 (1954), 2481 in Sinha, Janki, Pakistan and the Indo-US Relations (1947-1958), 122.

[70] NSC 5409: “United States Policy Toward South Asia,” February 19, 1954 (Extracts) in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, v.2, 89.

[71] “Address by Secretary of State John Foster Dulles on his visit to India and Pakistan, 1 June 1953 (Extract),” in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, v.2, 77.

[72] Communist Activity of Pakistan, Department of State Office of Intelligence Research Report No. 5356, National Security Archives R & A Report No. 5356.

[73] “Department of State Press Release on the Mutual Defence Assistance Agreement with Pakistan,” 18 May 1954 in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, v.2, 95.

[74] “‘Ike’ Informs Mr. Nehru of Decision To Arm Pakistan,” The Times of India, February 26, 1954, 1.

[75] Dulles, John Foster Memorandum of Conversation with the President.

[76] “US-Pakistan Mutual Defence Agreement, 19 May 1954,” in Jain, v.2, 97.

[77] “US-Pakistan joint communiqué on defence support aid to Pakistan,” 21 October 1954 (Extracts), in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, v.2, 102-3.

[78] Joshi, Manoj in New Perspectives on America and South Asia, 32.

[79] Mutual Security Act of 1953, H.R. 5710, 83rd Congress, 1st Session, 96.

[80] “US-Pakistan joint communique on defence support aid to Pakistan,” 21 October 1954 (Extracts), in Jain,v.2, “US-Pakistan joint communique on defence support aid to Pakistan,” 21 October 1954 (Extracts),103.

[81] Jain, B.M. South Asia, India and United States, 114.

[82] “US-Pakistan agreement on US aid under Chapter 3 – Defence Support – of Title I in the Mutual Security Act of 1951, 11 January 1955 (Extracts),” in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, 104-5.

[83] Jain, B.M., South Asia, India and United States, 38.

[84] “US-Pakistan Mutual Defence (sic) Assistance Agreement effected by exchange of notes on 29 November and 15 December 1950 (entered into force on 15 November 1950),” 177 in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India, and the United States, v.1.

[85] Ibid., v.2, 43.

[86] O. Orestov, “Why Are Pakistan’s Neighbours Alarmed?” as understood from talks between Pakistan’s Governor-General Ghulam Mohammad and Eisenhower and Dulles in The Hindusthan Standard, 4, Jan. 4, 1954.

[87] Ibid.

[88] The Mutual Security Act of 1954, 455.

[89] Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Volume XI, Africa and South Asia (in two parts), v.I, 1842.

[90] B.M. Jain South Asia, India, and the United States, 22-23, Jaipur, India, 1987.

[91] Heimsath, Charles and Mansingh, Surjit, A Diplomatic History of Modern India, 354.

[92] Limaye, Satu P. in U.S.-Indian Relations, 6, Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado, 1993.

[93] Two Years of PSP, 131, Bombay in Sinha, Janki, Pakistan and the Indo-US Relations (1947-1958), 121.

[94] Ibid.

[95] “Eisenhower Offer of Military Help Spurned by Nehru,” New York Times, 1, March 1, 1954.

[96] “Pak-U.S. Pact Will Bring War Right To India’s Door: An Anti-Asian Step,” Hindusthan Standard, pp.1,4, Jan. 4, 1954.

[97] “Turko-Pakistan pact signed,” The Civil & Military Gazette, April 3, 1954,1.

[98] “India Bags War Weapons From U.S.: Supply Mission Busy Bolstering Military Power of Country,” The Civil & Military Gazette, February 25, 1954, 1.

[99] McMahon, Robert J. The Cold War on the Periphery, 192.

[100] Ibid., 185.

[101] Hindi term meaning Indian.

[102] “No Pak-Bharati Friendship Unless Kashmir Dispute Settled,” Morning News, Karachi, Pakistan, April 20, 1954. Enclosure to Karachi’s Despatch 69 of April 24, 1954.

[103] “Nehru Isolated on Pakistan Resolution Condemning ‘Israel’: Columbo Conference Fails,” in The Civil-Military Gazette, May 1, 1954, 1.

[104] Letter Dated the 13th April 1954 from Prime Minister, India to Prime Minister, Pakistan, in Kashmir: Meetings and Correspondences, New Delhi, 86.

[105] Letter Dated the 14th July, 1953, from Prime Minister, Pakistan to Prime Minister, India in Kashmir: Meetings and Correspondences, Karachi, 91.

[106] Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 4

[107] Heimsath, Charles H. and Mansingh, Surjit. A Diplomatic History of Modern India, 344. Allied Publishers Private Limited, Bombay, India, 1971.

[108] Ibid.

[109] Heimsath, Charles H. and Mansingh, Surjit. A Diplomatic History of Modern India, Footnote 1 to p.345 on 362. Allied Publishers Private Limited, Bombay, India, 1971.

[110] New York Herald Tribune, Jan. 18, 1947 in Heimsath, Charles H. and Mansingh, Surjit. A Diplomatic History of Modern India, Footnote 1 to p.345 on 362. Allied Publishers Private Limited, Bombay, India, 1971.

[111] Jain, B.M. South Asia, India and the United States, 36.

[112] Ibid. #109.

[113] Ibid. #109.

[114] Ibid. #111, 37.

[115] Ibid.

[116] Ibid. #111, 39.

[117] Heimsath, Charles H. and Mansingh, Surjit. A Diplomatic History of Modern India, 345. Allied Publishers Private Limited, Bombay, India, 1971.

[118] Ibid. #117, 343-4.

[119] Ibid. #117.

[120] Bandyopadhyaya, Jayantanuja, The Making of India’s Foreign Policy: Determinants, Institutions, Processes and Personalities. p.233, Allied Publishers Private Limited, 1970, Bombay, India.

[121] Nehru’s statement in Rajya Sabha, 24 December 1953 in Jain, v.1, 200.

[122] Nehru, Jawaharlal’s Glimpses of World History in Khilnani, 112.

[123] Nehru, Jawaharlal in “Military Aid to Pakistan,” Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches 1953-1957, v.3, 345. India’s No-War declaration requested that Pakistan not use US aid in its dealings with India; Pakistan rejected this request.

[124] Nehru’s statement in Lok Sabha, 1 March 1954 in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India and the United States, v.1, 203.

[125] “Letter of the Prime Minister of India addressed to the Prime Minister of Pakistan, 5 March 1954”, in The Kashmir Question, edited by K. Sarwar Hasan, 353.

[126] Ibid. #124.

[127] Ibid. #124, 203-4.

[128] Statement by Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Jinnah, February 25, 1954 (Extract), in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India and the United States, 92.

[129] Chakraborty, Amulya Kumar, Jawaharlal Nehru’s Writings. From Nehru’s letter to Gandhi dated August 13, 1934, Anand Bhavan, Allahabad, India.

[130] Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches, 1946-1949,156. Broadcast from New Delhi, November 2, 1947.

[131] Ibid.,157.

[132] Ibid.,158.

[133] “Instrument of Accession of Jammu and Kashmir,” October 26, 1947 in White Paper on Jammu and Kashmir, 17-19, compiled in Documents on the Foreign Relations of Pakistan: The Kashmir Question, 58, edited by K. Sarwar Hasan.

[134] Emphasis added. Letter from Maharaja Hari Singh to Lord Mountbatten on the eve of Pak invasion on J&K in 1947.

[135] Excerpts of the speech by Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah in the UN Security Council Meeting No. 241 held on 5 February 1948. http://www.jammu-kashmir.com/documents/abdulun48.html.

[136] Ibid.

[137] Ibid.

[138] Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches, 1946-1949,158. Broadcast from New Delhi, November 2, 1947.

[139] UN Security Council Resolution 47, April 21, 1948, adopted under Chapter 6 and thus non-binding.

[140] Wikipedia.org, United Nations Security Council Resolution 47.

[141] Emphasis added. Reply from Lord Mountbatten to Maharaja Hari Singh, http://www.kashmir-information.com/LegalDocs/Maharaja_letter.html.

[142] “Article 370 of the Constitution of India Defining the Status of the State of Jammu and Kashmir” in Documents on the Foreign Relations of Pakistan: The Kashmir Question, 408, edited by K. Sarwar Hasan.

[143] Nehru’s speech in the Constituent Assembly on November 25, 1947 in India’s Foreign Policy, 443, in Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya, The Making of India’s Foreign Policy: Determinants, Institutions, Processes and Personalities, 234, Allied Publishes Private Limited, 1970, Bombay, India.

[144] Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya, The Making of India’s Foreign Policy: Determinants, Institutions, Processes and Personalities, 234, Allied Publishes Private Limited, 1970, Bombay, India, 235.

[145] Ibid., 235-6.

[146] India’s Foreign Policy, 451.

[147] Nehru’s speech in the Constituent Assembly on November 2, 1947 in India’s Foreign Policy, 159, in Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya, The Making of India’s Foreign Policy: Determinants, Institutions, Processes and Personalities, Allied Publishes Private Limited, 1970, Bombay, India..

[148] Ibid.,160.

[149] Ibid.,191. A speech in the Constituent Assembly (Legislative), New Delhi, September 7, 1948.

[150] Ibid.

[151] Ibid.,196.

[152] Ibid.

[153] Viotti, Paul, International Relations Theory, 7.

[154] Khan, Liaquat Ali, Pakistan: The Heart of Asia, 4-5.

[155] Ibid., 10. May 4, 1950 address to the National Press Club in Washington, DC.

[156] “Interview of Prime Minister Mohammad Ali with Joseph Fromm, Middle East Regional Editor of U.S. News & World Report, 15 January 1954 (Extracts),” in Jain, B.M. South Asia, India and the United States, v.2, 87.

[157] Ibid.

[158] Ibid., 213. Speech in the Constituent Assembly (Legislative), New Delhi, March 8, 1948, in reply to two ‘cut’ motions moved by Prof. Ranga and Seth Govinddas.

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