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A fact most uncongenial for many conservative-minded folk, especially in the USA, is that it was the USSR under Stalin that thwarted a world order, without which we would have very possibly been subjugated by a global central authority immediately following World War II. This matter of realpolitik stands alongside another factor in political realism: that New York and Washington have historically been the capitals of world revolution, with the globalist elites pumping money into revolutionary movements whilst Stalin was busily eliminating international bolshevism as a Trotskyite menace, and reversing many aspects of the Bolshevik social experiments at home. This essay examines the machinations by which Washington sought to impose a post-war new world order, and Stalin’s response; events which have continuing major influences on both US and Russian policies.
Russia: The Perennial Disappointment
Russia has never fitted well into the plans of those seeking to impose a uniform system upon humanity. Russia has remained untamed in terms of the sophisticated Western liberals seeking to establish a unipolar global world, as were Afrikaners, Iraqis, Iranians, Serbs, et al. The difference is that Russians continue to constitute a significant opposition, which therefore requires subverting.
Russia’s economy was regarded as backward by the Western financiers and this is the reason why many not only welcomed the March and even the November 1917 Revolutions, but also provided backing for the revolutionaries to overthrow the Czarist regime as an anomaly in the world of “progress.”
Industrialists and financiers looked optimistically to a post-Czarist Russia whose regime was set to embark on industrialization, which implied the need for foreign capital and expertise, regardless of the revolutionary rhetoric about foreign capitalists. However, the self-described “foreign policy establishment”, the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR), urged foreign investors to act quickly in Russia, as they perceived that the situation might soon change.
Peter Grosse, writing in what amounts to a virtual “official history” of the CFR states of the Council’s first report on Soviet Russia:
Awkward in the records of the Inquiry had been the absence of a single study or background paper on the subject of Bolshevism. Perhaps this was simply beyond the academic imagination of the times. Not until early 1923 could the Council summon the expertise to mobilize a systematic examination of the Bolshevik regime, finally entrenched after civil war in Russia. The impetus for this first study was Lenin’s New Economic Policy, which appeared to open the struggling Bolshevik economy to foreign investment. Half the Council’s study group were members drawn from firms that had done business in pre-revolutionary Russia, and the discussions about the Soviet future were intense. The concluding report dismissed ‘hysterical’ fears that the revolution would spill outside Russia’s borders into central Europe or, worse, that the heady new revolutionaries would ally with nationalistic Muslims in the Middle East to evict European imperialism. The Bolsheviks were on their way to ‘sanity and sound business practices,’ the Council study group concluded, but the welcome to foreign concessionaires would likely be short-lived. Thus, the Council experts recommended in March 1923 that American businessmen get into Russia while Lenin’s invitation held good, make money on their investments, and then get out as quickly as possible. A few heeded the advice; not for seven decades would a similar opportunity arise.
Stalin, even at this embryonic stage of the Soviet regime, was the spoiler. While Trotsky wished to pursue foreign investment, as had been the case under Lenin’s New Economic Policy, Stalin dealt some swift blows to the broadly termed opposition bloc led by Trotsky, and pursued a course not as amicable to foreign capital.
With the outbreak of war between Germany and the USSR, there was renewed hope for Russia being integrated into a post war new world order. Stalin relied on Western technological wherewithal for his war machine in fighting the Germans. However Stalin was too hard-headed and authoritarian to be subordinate or even become a corporate equal partner in any post-war global re-organization envisaged by the USA.
United National Organization – Basis for World Parliament
Things seemed very jovial between “Uncle Joe”, Roosevelt, and Churchill while the common enemy was being fought. However, Stalin had about as much esteem for his temporary partners in the West as he had had for his temporary partners Kamenev and Zinoviev while the two were jockeying for positions in the Bolshevik apparatus. Once Stalin’s position was secure on an individual level within the Soviet apparatus, the two scurvy old Bolsheviks ran out of options and were finally brought to account. Likewise, while practicalities did not grant Stalin similar opportunities for dealing with his former allies in the West, once he had secured the position this time of the entire USSR, he jettisoned those that – like the hapless Kamenev and Zinoviev – thought that they could manipulate Stalin and Russia to their own advantage. Having secured the appeasement of the Allies at Potsdam for the establishment of a new Russian Empire, despite the USA’s determination that the old European empires would not be part of the post-war world, but rather the axis of world control would center around the Dollar Imperium, Stalin was not about to compromise his position as an equal, let alone a subordinate.
The first break in the wartime alliance came with America’s grand new design to establish the United Nations Organization (UNO) as a world parliament, as the focus of a “new world order” as President Wilson had sought with the League of Nations after World War I. Parliaments of the Western liberal democratic model in general are there for plutocratic manipulation; that is their purpose. Stalin, however, was not a parliamentarian, and could not be bought with promises of being a corporate partner in a Brave New World.
The American plan for the UNO called for power to be vested with the General Assembly and based around majority vote. The Soviet position was to make the Security Council the final arbiter of decisions with members having the right to veto. Andrei Gromyko sums up the situation:
The US position in fact allowed the UN to be turned into an instrument for imposing the will of one group of states upon another, above all the Soviet Union as the sole socialist member of the Council.
Despite long standing conservative conspiracy theories regarding the UNO being a Soviet plot to create a communist controlled World State, it was the USSR that rendered the UNO redundant as a method of imposing a new world order, de facto if not de jure, a situation that continues to the present time, thanks to the Soviet insistence on national – or imperial – sovereignty for itself and its power bloc.
Baruch Plan to ‘Internationalize’ Atomic Energy
The second pillar for the creation of a post-war new world order rested on the supposed “internationalization” of the awesome power of atomic energy. Just like the democratic façade of the American plan for a General Assembly world parliament, this “internationalization’ was perceived by the USSR as really meaning US control.