Relevance for the Present
A fact most uncongenial for many conservative-minded folk, especially in the USA, is that it was the USSR under Stalin that thwarted a world order, without which we would have very possibly been subjugated by a global central authority immediately following World War II. This matter of realpolitik stands alongside another factor in political realism: that New York and Washington have historically been the capitals of world revolution, with the globalist elites pumping money into revolutionary movements whilst Stalin was busily eliminating international bolshevism as a Trotskyite menace, and reversing many aspects of the Bolshevik social experiments at home. This essay examines the machinations by which Washington sought to impose a post-war new world order, and Stalin’s response; events which have continuing major influences on both US and Russian policies.
Russia: The Perennial Disappointment
Russia has never fitted well into the plans of those seeking to impose a uniform system upon humanity. Russia has remained untamed in terms of the sophisticated Western liberals seeking to establish a unipolar global world, as were Afrikaners, Iraqis, Iranians, Serbs, et al. The difference is that Russians continue to constitute a significant opposition, which therefore requires subverting.
Russia’s economy was regarded as backward by the Western financiers and this is the reason why many not only welcomed the March and even the November 1917 Revolutions, but also provided backing for the revolutionaries to overthrow the Czarist regime as an anomaly in the world of “progress.”
Industrialists and financiers looked optimistically to a post-Czarist Russia whose regime was set to embark on industrialization, which implied the need for foreign capital and expertise, regardless of the revolutionary rhetoric about foreign capitalists. However, the self-described “foreign policy establishment”, the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR), urged foreign investors to act quickly in Russia, as they perceived that the situation might soon change.
Peter Grosse, writing in what amounts to a virtual “official history” of the CFR states of the Council’s first report on Soviet Russia:
Awkward in the records of the Inquiry had been the absence of a single study or background paper on the subject of Bolshevism. Perhaps this was simply beyond the academic imagination of the times. Not until early 1923 could the Council summon the expertise to mobilize a systematic examination of the Bolshevik regime, finally entrenched after civil war in Russia. The impetus for this first study was Lenin’s New Economic Policy, which appeared to open the struggling Bolshevik economy to foreign investment. Half the Council’s study group were members drawn from firms that had done business in pre-revolutionary Russia, and the discussions about the Soviet future were intense. The concluding report dismissed ‘hysterical’ fears that the revolution would spill outside Russia’s borders into central Europe or, worse, that the heady new revolutionaries would ally with nationalistic Muslims in the Middle East to evict European imperialism. The Bolsheviks were on their way to ‘sanity and sound business practices,’ the Council study group concluded, but the welcome to foreign concessionaires would likely be short-lived. Thus, the Council experts recommended in March 1923 that American businessmen get into Russia while Lenin’s invitation held good, make money on their investments, and then get out as quickly as possible. A few heeded the advice; not for seven decades would a similar opportunity arise.
Stalin, even at this embryonic stage of the Soviet regime, was the spoiler. While Trotsky wished to pursue foreign investment, as had been the case under Lenin’s New Economic Policy, Stalin dealt some swift blows to the broadly termed opposition bloc led by Trotsky, and pursued a course not as amicable to foreign capital.
With the outbreak of war between Germany and the USSR, there was renewed hope for Russia being integrated into a post war new world order. Stalin relied on Western technological wherewithal for his war machine in fighting the Germans. However Stalin was too hard-headed and authoritarian to be subordinate or even become a corporate equal partner in any post-war global re-organization envisaged by the USA.
United National Organization – Basis for World Parliament
Things seemed very jovial between “Uncle Joe”, Roosevelt, and Churchill while the common enemy was being fought. However, Stalin had about as much esteem for his temporary partners in the West as he had had for his temporary partners Kamenev and Zinoviev while the two were jockeying for positions in the Bolshevik apparatus. Once Stalin’s position was secure on an individual level within the Soviet apparatus, the two scurvy old Bolsheviks ran out of options and were finally brought to account. Likewise, while practicalities did not grant Stalin similar opportunities for dealing with his former allies in the West, once he had secured the position this time of the entire USSR, he jettisoned those that – like the hapless Kamenev and Zinoviev – thought that they could manipulate Stalin and Russia to their own advantage. Having secured the appeasement of the Allies at Potsdam for the establishment of a new Russian Empire, despite the USA’s determination that the old European empires would not be part of the post-war world, but rather the axis of world control would center around the Dollar Imperium, Stalin was not about to compromise his position as an equal, let alone a subordinate.
The first break in the wartime alliance came with America’s grand new design to establish the United Nations Organization (UNO) as a world parliament, as the focus of a “new world order” as President Wilson had sought with the League of Nations after World War I. Parliaments of the Western liberal democratic model in general are there for plutocratic manipulation; that is their purpose. Stalin, however, was not a parliamentarian, and could not be bought with promises of being a corporate partner in a Brave New World.
The American plan for the UNO called for power to be vested with the General Assembly and based around majority vote. The Soviet position was to make the Security Council the final arbiter of decisions with members having the right to veto. Andrei Gromyko sums up the situation:
The US position in fact allowed the UN to be turned into an instrument for imposing the will of one group of states upon another, above all the Soviet Union as the sole socialist member of the Council.
Despite long standing conservative conspiracy theories regarding the UNO being a Soviet plot to create a communist controlled World State, it was the USSR that rendered the UNO redundant as a method of imposing a new world order, de facto if not de jure, a situation that continues to the present time, thanks to the Soviet insistence on national – or imperial – sovereignty for itself and its power bloc.
Baruch Plan to ‘Internationalize’ Atomic Energy
The second pillar for the creation of a post-war new world order rested on the supposed “internationalization” of the awesome power of atomic energy. Just like the democratic façade of the American plan for a General Assembly world parliament, this “internationalization’ was perceived by the USSR as really meaning US control.
The eminent American historian Carroll Quigley, Foreign Services School, Georgetown University, Harvard and Princeton, describes the post-war situation leading to the Cold War, stating that the immediate policy of the USA rested on free trade and aid via the Marshall Plan which would have included assistance for economic recovery to the Soviet bloc. However the USSR saw this as a means for the USA to establish its pre-eminence in the post war era. Quigley, a liberal globalist who saw the “hope” of the world being through a world government, wrote:
On the whole, if blame must be allotted, it may be placed at the door of Stalin’s office in the Kremlin. American willingness to co-operate continued until 1947, as is evident from the fact that the Marshall Plan offer of American aid for a co-operative Europe recovery effort was opened to the Soviet Union, but it now seems clear that Stalin had decided to close the door on co-operation and adopted a unilateral policy of limited aggression about February or March of 1946. The beginning of the Cold War may be placed at the date of this inferred decision or may be placed at the later and more obvious date of the Soviet refusal to accept Marshall Aid in July 1947.
Quigley refers to the American initiative for atomic energy “internationalization” and how this arguably very dangerous scenario for world domination was again scotched by Stalin:
The most critical example of the Soviet refusal to co-operate and of its insistence on relapsing into isolation, secrecy, and terrorism is to be found in its refusal to join in American efforts to harness the dangerous powers of nuclear fission.
A State Department committee under Undersecretary of State Dean Acheson and David Lilienthal, in conjunction with a “second committee of citizens” led by the international banker and perennial presidential adviser Bernard Baruch were convened in 1946 to draft a plan for “some system of international control of nuclear energy.” The plan was presented by Baruch to the UN General Assembly on June 14 1946.
It would own, control, or licence all uranium from the mine through processing and use, with operation of its own nuclear facilities throughout the world, inspection of all other such facilities, absolute prohibition of all nuclear bombs or diversion of nuclear materials to non-peaceful purposes, and punishment for evasion or violation of its regulations free from the Great Power veto which normally operated in the Security Council of the UN.
This was therefore a method of trying to bypass the problem of veto that had been insisted upon by the USSR to ensure its sovereignty, which had from the start rendered the UN impotent as a world authority. Quigley laments that this extraordinarily “generous offer” by the USA, “…was brusquely rejected by Andrei Gromyko on behalf of the Soviet Union within five days…” Quigley points out that one of the main points the USSR raised in rejecting the Baruch Plan was that there must be no tampering with the Great Power veto.
Gromyko recalling his time as Soviet representative on the UN Atomic Energy Commission, states of the Baruch Plan:
The actual intention was to be camouflaged by the creation of an international body to monitor the use of nuclear energy. However, Washington did not even try to hide that it intended to take the leading part in this body, to keep in its own hands everything to do with the production and storage of fissionable material and, under the guise of the need for international inspection, to interfere in the internal affairs of the sovereign nations.
Baruch told Gromyko that all industries dealing with fissionable material would be inspected by experts, Gromyko remarking, “Inevitably at that time they would all be Americans.” Quigley’s moral indignation at the USSR’s rejection notwithstanding, we are now in a position of hindsight, considering recent world events, to understand Soviet suspicions. The moral choice is not as clear-cut as Quigley supposes. Japan had been A-bombed whilst seeking peace terms, the basis of which was the sanctity of the Emperor. America’s position was unconditional, and of course it can be assumed that the Administration knew the Japanese could not accede to anything that would compromise Hirohito or the imperial house. Allen Dulles who became head of the CIA, related in an interview with Clifford Evans in 1963 that he had been in contact with Japanese factions that were in a position to sue for peace; that the sole Japanese concern was that the Emperor as the unifying factor of the Japanese would be left alone. “Just weeks later… Hiroshima and Nagasaki were bombed.”
In an informative article, Bob Fisk comments on the bombing of Japan:
Stalin was finally impressed by the effect of Truman’s new weapon at Hiroshima. He very much wanted the bomb for Russia. When U.S. proposals to limit the bomb to America alone were uncompromising, Stalin’s scientists accelerated their work.
It might be suspected, certainly from Soviet quarters, that the bombing of Japan was intended as a show of US might vis-à-vis the USSR. However, even Britain was concerned at US intentions, Prime Minister Clement Atlee explaining:
We had to hold up our position vis-à-vis the Americans. We couldn’t allow ourselves to be wholly in their hands… We had worked from the start for international control of the bomb… We could not agree that only America should have atomic energy…
Were both the USSR and Britain then being selfish, as implied indignantly by Quigley? Baruch himself stated:
The gains of our scientists, our engineers, our industrialists, produced the supreme weapon of all time — the atomic bomb. That we shall never give away, until and unless security for us, for the world, is established. Until that time comes, the U.S. will remain the guardian of safety. We can be trusted….
The rhetoric by Baruch about the USA being the “trusted guardian” of world peace and freedom is the same mantra the world has heard from Woodrow Wilson to Obama.
Pacifist guru Bertrand Russell wrote in 1946 in the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, expressing frankly the liberal internationalist attitude towards the USSR, which was anything but benign. Russell, who was to play a key role along with many other eminent liberals and leftists as Stalin-hating Cold Warriors in the CIA founded Congress for Cultural Freedom, makes it plain that the atomic bomb represented the ace card to the forcible establishment of a world state:
The American and British governments… should make it clear that genuine international co-operation is what they most desire. But although peace should be their goal, they should not let it appear that they are for peace at any price. At a certain stage, when their plans for an international government are ripe, they should offer them to the world… If Russia acquiesced willingly, all would be well. If not, it would be necessary to bring pressure to bear, even to the extent of risking war.
Russell proposed what was clearly the intention of the US Administration and other globalists, including the cynical purpose of the Baruch Plan, in assuring that atomic energy would be monopolized by an “international government” with power to act against any reticent state:
It is entirely clear that there is only one way in which great wars can be permanently prevented, and that is the establishment of an international government with a monopoly of serious armed force. When I speak of an international government, I mean one that really governs, not an amiable façade like the League of Nations, or a pretentious sham like the United Nations under its present constitution. An international government, if it is to be able to preserve peace, must have the only atomic bombs, the only plant for producing them, the only air force, the only battleships, and, generally, whatever is necessary to make it irresistible. Its atomic staff, its air squadrons, the crews of its battleships, and its infantry regiments must each severally be composed of men of many different nations; there must be no possibility of the development of national feeling in any unit larger than a company. Every member of the international armed force should be carefully trained in loyalty to the international government.
The international authority must have a monopoly of uranium, and of whatever other raw material may hereafter be found suitable for the manufacture of atomic bombs. It must have a large army of inspectors who must have the right to enter any factory without notice; any attempt to interfere with them or to obstruct their work must be treated as a casus belli. They must be provided with aeroplanes enabling them to discover whether secret plants are being established in empty regions near either Pole or in the middle of large deserts.
Note that Russell is already by this time disparaging of the UNO, as having been rendered useless as an “international government” by the USSR. Russell made it clear where he stood in terms of American hegemony:
In the near future, a world war, however terrible, would probably end in American victory without the destruction of civilisation in the Western hemisphere, and American victory would no doubt lead to a world government under the hegemony of the United States —a result which, for my part, I should welcome with enthusiasm.
Contingent upon the usefulness of the UNO as a global government, as intended, would be the elimination of the globalist bugbear, the Soviet imposed veto of the Great Powers:
If the United Nations Organisation is to serve any useful purpose, three successive reforms are necessary. First, the veto of the Great Powers must be abolished, and majorities must be declared competent to decide on all questions that come before the organisation; second, the contingents of the various Powers to the armed forces of the organisation must be increased until they become stronger than any national armed forces; third, the contingents, instead of remaining national blocks, must be distributed so that no considerable unit retains any national feeling or national cohesion. When all these things have been done, but not before, the United Nations Organisation may become a means of averting great wars.
In 1961 Russell in considering the Soviet attitude to the Baruch Plan and the UNO was to say virtually in passing that “it was Stalin’s Russia, flushed with the pride in victory over the Germans, suspicious (not without reason) of the Western Powers, and aware that in the United Nations it could almost always be outvoted.”
CFR Blueprint for Cold War
The repudiation, indeed the scuttling of the UNO foundations for a “new world order” required a re-evaluation of the USSR by the CFR as America’s self-described “foreign policy establishment”.
Grosse states that the internationalist proposals for a post-war “new world order” were met with a firm “nyet” from the USSR: “In characteristic fashion, Council planners conceived a study group to analyze the coming world order.” What they envisaged was a joint CFR-Soviet study group to prepare proposals for the “coming world order” (sic):
Percy Bidwell, director of the Council’s new Studies Program, had courteously approached the Soviet Embassy as early as January 1944 to stimulate interest in the joint project. He was received by Ambassador Andrei Gromyko, whose response would become all too familiar in the years to come. Through Gromyko the Russian word “nyet” entered the English language. Without any pretense of diplomatic tact, the ambassador (soon to be foreign minister) told the men from the Council he would not permit any responsible Soviet spokesman to join in such a discussion.
The policy formulated for the USA vis-à-vis the USSR was “containment”, a word coined by diplomat and CFR member George Kennan. Grosse is candid in describing the clandestine – conspiratorial? – manner by which the CFR influenced Cold War policy:
The Council on Foreign Relations functioned at the core of the public institution-building of the early Cold War, but only behind the scenes. As a forum providing intellectual stimulation and energy, it enabled well-placed members to convey cutting-edge thinking to the public—but without portraying the Council as the font from which the ideas rose.
An initial report by George S Franklin in 1946 recommended attempting to work with the USSR as much as possible, “unless and until it becomes entirely evident that the U.S.S.R. is not interested in achieving cooperation…” However the USA should pursue co-operation from a position of military strength:
The United States must be powerful not only politically and economically, but also militarily. We cannot afford to dissipate our military strength unless Russia is willing concurrently to decrease hers. On this we lay great emphasis.
We must take every opportunity to work with the Soviets now, when their power is still far inferior to ours, and hope that we can establish our cooperation on a firmer basis for the not so distant future when they will have completed their reconstruction and greatly increased their strength…. The policy we advocate is one of firmness coupled with moderation and patience.
However this mildly conciliatory policy was rejected in total. Grosse writes:
The Franklin report of May 1946, outlining cautious hopes for cooperative relations between the United States and the Soviet Union in the coming post-World War II years, was dead. The board’s committee on studies formally decided against publication in July; by November all sympathy for a conciliatory stance toward Moscow had disappeared from the corridors of the Harold Pratt House.
Post Cold War
The rise of Gorbachev, who has since made a name for himself on the world stage as one of the globalist elite, and the brief drunken interregnum of Yeltsin, must have seemed as though Russia was at last about to come into the globalist fold. Whatever the influences that might have been working behind Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev when he dismantled the Soviet state, in 1991 he had created the Gorbachev Foundation for the purpose of planning Russia’s “place and role in the future world order” as well as having a broader policy of promoting “globalization.” Gorbachev also has a grander role, stating that, “the keynote of the Foundation’s activities is Toward a New Civilization.”
The same year that Gorbachev created his Foundation to advocate for a “new world order” in tandem with other globalist think tanks such as the Soros Foundation and Open Society Institute, etc., President George H W Bush was enthusing that with the demise of the Soviet bloc a “new world order” might at last emerge as envisaged by the founders of the UNO:
…Until now the world we’ve known has been a world divided – a world of barbed wire and concrete block, conflict and cold war.
Now we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order… A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic mission of its founders…
That the globalist hopes for Russia were yet again dashed with the advent of Putin, and the emergence of influential forces even more antagonistic towards Russia’s incorporation into a “new world order”, including the rise of Stalin nostalgia for Russian Great Power status, is evident from the position of the CFR in the title of a special report produced by the “East Coast foreign policy establishment.” Tellingly entitled, Russia’s Wrong Direction: What the United States Can and Should do, the hegemonic attitude of the US ruling clique is not even disguised. The report is replete with all the old Cold War rhetoric, and castigates Putin for placing Russia on a course in his domestic and foreign policies that “cause problems for the United States.” The current recommendation is for “selective cooperation” rather than “partnership, which is not now feasible.” The conclusion in the opening statement is that “Russia is heading in the wrong direction.”
John Edward and Jack Kemp are acknowledged for their efforts in bringing “international attention” to Putin’s attempts to “intimidate or put out of business foreign and Russian nongovernmental organizations.” That is to say, Putin has attempted to resist the organizations that mainly derive from the Soros network and the National Endowment for Democracy, that create revolutionary and subversive organizations, fund and train agitators, and that have been responsible for “colour revolutions” throughout the former Soviet bloc and further afield.
The Task Force Report laments that cooperation is now the exception rather than the norm. Russia is critiqued for “becoming increasingly more authoritarian,” while America’s foreign policy is one of promoting “democracy” throughout the word, which is to say, overthrowing states that do not succumb to US hegemony with the use of the NGOs that Putin is condemned for “intimidating.” Russia’s policies on its “periphery” are also of concern; by which is meant that Russia does not desire hostile states on its borders, such as Georgia, run by regimes that have been installed by those noble NGO’s of the Soros network etc. The CFR therefore recommends that more should be done to “accelerate the integration of those states into the West.”  The CFR recommends that US Congress interfere directly in the Russian political process by funding opposition movements in Russia under the façade of strengthening democracy, by increased funding for the Freedom Support Act, in this instance referring specifically to the 2007-2008 presidential elections. Of note is Mark F Brzezinski as one of the authors, who served on the National Security Council as an adviser on Russian and Eurasian affairs under Clinton, as his father Zbigniew served under Carter. Antonia W Bouis is cited as founding executive director of the Soros Foundations (1987-92). James A Harmon, senior advisor to the Rothschild Group, et al.
What can be expected under Obama in regard to Russia? Despite the electoral rhetoric Obama has pursued policies in the same direction as prior administrations. Mark Brzezinski was Obama’s foreign policy adviser during the presidential campaign. Of particular significance is that among Obama’s primary backers is George Soros, which makes anything other than a subversive and belligerent attitude towards Russia unlikely.
 K R Bolton, “Socialism, Revolution and Capitalist Dialectics,” Foreign Policy Journal, May 5, 2010.
 Jacob H Schiff, “Jacob H Schiff Rejoices, By Telegraph to the Editor of the New York Times”, New York Times, March 18, 1917. This can be viewed in The New York Times online archives: http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9802E4DD163AE532A2575BC1A9659C946696D6CF (accessed 12 January 2010). Schiff, “Loans easier for Russia”, The New York Times, 20 March 1917. http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9B04EFDD143AE433A25753C2A9659C946696D6CF (accessed 12 January 2010).
John B Young (National City Bank) Is A People’s Revolution”, The New York Times, 16 March 1917.
“Bankers here pleased with news of revolution”, ibid.
“Stocks strong – Wall Street interpretation of Russian News”, ibid.
 “Bolsheviki Will Not Make Separate Peace: Only Those Who Made Up Privileged Classes Under Czar Would Do So, Says Col. W B Thompson, Just Back From Red Cross Mission”, The New York Times, 27 January 1918.
 Also spelt Grose, indicative of some poor proofreading from the CFR.
 The original name of the think tank founded by Pres. Wilson’s primary adviser, Edward House, which became the present CFR.
 Peter Grosse, Continuing The Inquiry: The Council on Foreign Relations from 1921 to 1996, (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2006). The entire book can be read online at: Council on Foreign Relations: http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/index.html
 Armand Hammer of Occidental Petroleum, who had been a concessionaire at the earliest stages of the Soviet regime, stated of his meeting with Trotsky that the he was questioned as to how US capitalists regarded Russia as a “desirable field for investment?” Trotsky having returned from the Urals thought that the region had great possibilities for American capital. Armand Hammer, Hammer: Witness to History (London: Coronet Books, 1988), 160.
 Lenin had stated to Hammer: “The New Economic Policy demands a fresh development of our economic possibilities. We hope to accelerate the process by a system of industrial and commercial concessions to foreigners. It will give great opportunities to the United State.” Ibid., 143.
 Antony Sutton, National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union (New York: Arlington House, 1973).
 For Roosevelt’s commitment to friendship with Stalin see the CIA essay: Gary Kern, How “Uncle Joe” Bugged FDR, Central Intelligence Agency, <https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-studies/studies/vol47no1/article02.html>
 Andrei Gromyko, Soviet representative to the UN and to the UN Atomic Energy commission, future Foreign Minister and Soviet president remarks: “Washington tended to view colonial empires as an anachronism and made no secret that it would shed no tears were they to be dismantled… In any case it was time for the old masters to move aside….” Andrei Gromyko, Memories (London: Hutchinson, 1989). What was to fill the void of the European empires were the neo-colonialisms of the USSR and the USA, and often mistaken for “Soviet communist” activities.
 Gromyko, ibid.
 G Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master: A Second Look at the United Nations (Boston: Western Islands, 1964).
 Caroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope (Macmillan, ) 892.
 Ibid., 893.
 Ibid., 895.
 Bernard Baruch, The Baruch Plan, 1946.
 Gromyko, op.cit.
 Dulles suspected the peace initiative came form the emperor himself.
 “Ladies of the Press,” panel-interview programme, WOR-TV, New York, January 19, 1963. <http://www.greenwych.ca/dulles.htm>
 Bob Fisk, “The Decision to Bomb Hiroshima and Nagasaki,” II, 1983. The article can be found at: <http://www.greenwych.ca/hiro2bmb.htm>
 Bernard Baruch, NY Tribune, April 17, 1947. cited by Fisk, ibid.,
 Frances Stonor Saunders, The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters (New York: the New Press, 2000), 91.
 Bertrand Russell, “The Atomic Bomb and the Prevention of War,” Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, October 1, 1946, 5.
 Ibid., 2.
 Ibid., 3.
 Ibid., 3.
 Bertrand Russell, Has Man a Future? (Hammondsworth: Penguin Books, 1961), 25.
 Peter Grosse in his semi-official history of the CFR, calls the Council “the East Coast foreign policy establishment.” Grosse, op.cit., Chapter: “’X’ Leads the Way,” <http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/x_leads.html>
 Peter Grosse, ibid., “The First Transformation”.
 Peter Grosse, ibid., “X Leads the Way”. “X” was Kennan, an anonymous policy-maker.
 Ibid., “The First Transformation.,” <http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/first_transformation.html>
 The Gorbachev Foundation, “About Us, The Foundation Projects and Structural Subdivisions,” <http://www.gorby.ru/en/rubrs.asp?rubr_id=302>
 George H W Bush, speech before US Congress, March 6, 1991.
 For example, the “Eurasian” concept whose chief proponent is Prof. Alexander Dugin, head of the Center for Conservative Research, Moscow State University, who advocates a “multi-polar” world of power bloc “vectors” as an alternative to globalization.
 Jack Kemp, et al, Russia’s Wrong Direction: What the United States Can and Should do, Independent Task Force Report no. 57 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2006) xi. The entire publication can be downloaded at:
 Richard N Haass, CFR President, ibid.
 Ibid., 4.
 Ibid., 5.
 Ibid., 6.
 Ibid., 7.
 Michael Hirsh, “The Talent Primary,” Newsweek, September 17, 2007.
 K R% Bolton, Obama – Catspaw of International Finance, August 28, 2008, <http://www.rense.com/general83/cats.htm>