The latest occupation crime in Afghanistan was a shooting spree on March 11 by a lone American soldier in the village of Balandi in the Panjwai District of Kandahar Province of Afghanistan. 16 Afghan civilians, including women and children, were shot in their homes in the middle of the night without any pretense of combat activity in the area. Such an atrocity is one more expression of a pathological reaction by one soldier to an incomprehensible military reality that seems to be driving American military personnel on the ground in Afghanistan crazy. The main criminal here is not the shooter, but the political leader who insists on continuing a mission in face of the evidence that it is turning its own citizens into pathological killers.
American soldiers urinating on dead Taliban fighters, Koran burning, and countryside patrols whose members were convicted by an American military tribunal of killing Afghan civilians for sport or routinely invading the privacy of Afghan homes in the middle of the night; whatever the U.S. military commanders in Kabul might sincerely say in regret and Washington might repeat by way of formal apology has become essentially irrelevant.
These so-called ‘incidents’ or ‘aberrations’ are nothing of the sort. These happenings are pathological reactions of men and women caught up in a death trap not of their making, an alien environment that collides lethally with their sense of normalcy and decency. Besides the desecration of foreign lands and their cultural identities, American political leaders have unforgivably for more than a decade placed young Americans in intolerable situations of risk, uncertainty, and enmity to wage essentially meaningless wars. Also signaling a kind of cultural implosion are recent studies documenting historically high suicide rates among the lower ranks of the American military.
Senseless and morbid wars produce senseless and morbid behavior. Afghanistan, as Vietnam 40 years earlier, has become an atrocity-generating killing field where the ‘enemy’ is frequently indistinguishable from the ‘friend,’ and the battlefield is everywhere and nowhere. In Vietnam, the White House finally sped up the American exit when it became evident that soldiers were murdering their own officers, a pattern exhibiting ultimate alienation that became so widespread it give birth to a new word, ‘fragging.’
Whatever the defensive pretext in the immediacy of the post-9/11 attacks, the Afghanistan War was misconceived from its inception, although deceptively so (to my lasting regret I supported the war initially as an instance of self-defense validated by the credible fear of future attacks emanating from Afghanistan). Air warfare was relied upon in 2002 to decimate the leadership ranks of Al Qaeda, but instead its top political and military commanders slipped across the border. Regime change in Kabul, with a leader flown in from Washington to help coordinate the foreign occupation of his country, reverted to an old counterinsurgency formula that had failed over and over again, but with the militarist mindset prevailing in the U.S. Government, failure was once again reinterpreted as an opportunity to do it right the next time! Despite the efficiency of the radical innovative tactic of targeted killing by drones, the latest form of state terror in Afghanistan yields an outcome that is no different from earlier defeats.
What more needs to be said? It is long past time for the United States and its NATO allies to withdraw with all deliberate speed from Afghanistan rather than proceed on its present course: negotiating a long-term ‘memorandum of understanding’ that transfers the formalities of the occupation to the Afghans while leaving private American military contractors—mercenaries of the 21st century—as the outlaw governance structure of this war-torn country after most combat forces withdraw by the end of 2014, although, incredibly, Washington and Kabul, despite the devastation and futility, are presently negotiating a ten-year arrangement to maintain an American military presence in the country, a dynamic that might be labeled ‘re-colonization by consent,’ a geopolitical malady of the early 21st century.
As in Iraq, what has been ‘achieved’ in Afghanistan is the very opposite of the goals set by Pentagon planners and State Department diplomacy: the country is decimated rather than reconstructed, the regional balance shifts in favor of Iran, of Islamic extremism, and the United States is ever more widely feared and resented, solidifying its geopolitical role as the great malefactor of our era.
America seems incapable of grasping the pathologies it has inflicted on its own citizenry, let alone the physical and psychological wreckage it leaves behind in the countries it attacks and occupies. The disgusting 2004 pictures of American soldiers getting their kicks from torturing and humiliating naked Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib should have made clear once and for all to the leaders and the public that it was time to bring American troops home, and keep them there if we cared for their welfare. Instead, punishments were inflicted on these hapless young citizens who were both perpetrators and victims, and their commanders resumed their militarist misadventures as if nothing had happened except an unwelcome ‘leak’ (Donald Rumsfeld said as much). What this pattern of desecration exhibits is not only a criminal indifference to the wellbeing of ‘others’, but also a shameful disregard of the welfare of our collective selves. The current bellicose Republican presidential candidates calling for attacks on Iran amount to taking another giant step along the road that is taking American over the cliff. And the Obama presidency is only a half step behind, counseling patience, but itself indulging war-mongering, whether for its own sake or on behalf of Israel is unclear.
President Obama recently was quoted as saying of Afghanistan, “now is the time for us to transition.” No, it isn’t. “Now is the time to leave.” And not only for the sake of the Afghan people, and surely for that, but also for the benefit of the American people Obama was elected to serve.
Professor Falk:
Sir, I saw your credentials for this article and read it hoping that you would provide some critically considered framework for a course of action that would not leave the U.S. strategically vulnerable. Unfortunately, you offered nothing other than a panic-stricken urgency for an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all American presence. Further, your completely unsupported attribution of a generalized, nonspecific “pathology” to American efforts in theater demonstrated gross ignorance both of the regional political dynamic and strategic stability operations in general. It was also nothing short of insulting to the many thousands of very dedicated military and contract civilian professionals who have made genuine progress in improving the lives of millions of Afghans.
Take a deep breath and get a clue, Professor. Think. Intellectually vacant, two-dimensional responses masquerading as solutions have no place in complex geopolitics where consequences can occur at multiple levels from multiple axes and have no nexus whatsoever to original intent.
For the record, sir, I along with many professional colleagues both military and civilian agree with your sentiment regarding a withdrawal from the Afghan theater, but rationally argue that withdrawal must be strategically considered and implemented within the larger context of SWA regional conflicts and the carefully considered impact of such a withdrawal upon the developing and emerging threats from Iran and Pakistan. I respectfully assert that rapid withdrawal as a solution is not a solution at all if it creates a more significant threat or series of strategic security threats one, two, or five years into the future. In strategic security courses, institutes of diplomacy, and think tanks that cognitive deficit is called impulsive or reflexive action and it’s the worst of all possible drivers of strategic action. It cedes the strategic initiative to the enemy, giving him the time and space to do precisely what we have spent the last ten years very successfully preventing him from doing!
A rapid and unconditional withdrawal will create an absolutely critical vacuum in a region that does not do political vacuum well. Vacuum is dangerous, Professor, and this region has dangerous precedents to give us serious pause before deliberately creating another. If you believe for an instant that governments and political factions within Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, China, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan will not all attempt to exploit that Afghan power vacuum to serve their own diversified interests, you’ve removed your thinking cap. Those “interests” include profoundly anti-American designs and the establishment by multiple factions of a permanent Islamofacist nation state from which to base and launch global attacks. Those attacks will be aimed at the West in general and the United States in particular. They’re not going to stop, Professor. They will consolidate, organize, and re-emerge stronger and better equipped in a new form that we’ll have to deal with…again.
We must give the Afghans a fighting chance against these external forces before we pull out or we will in no time be right back where we were in August of 2001.
And just for the record, sir, I’m one of those private American military contractors you referenced. I’m hardly a mercenary. I’m a retired federal law enforcement officer with a very healthy regard for our Constitution and democratic principles. Right beside me overseas are active and retired primary and secondary school teachers, doctors, attorneys, electrical engineers, hydrologists, linguists, farmers…the list of professionals is endless. Many of us work under government contracts made through private military corporations. Your broadcast ad hominem slur is undeserved, insulting, and marginalizes your education and credentials as a thinker.
Regards,
Louis J. DeAnda